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At the proposal of the Russian imperial government made through the
minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions
have been transmitted to the Minister of the United States at St.
Petersburgh, to arrange, by amicable negotiation, the respective
rights and interests of the two nations on the northwest coast of this
continent. A similar proposal has been made by his Imperial Majesty to
the government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to.
The government of the United States has been desirous, by this
friendly proceeding, of manifesting the great value which they have
invariably attached to the friendship of the emperor, and their
solicitude to cultivate the best understanding with his government. In
the discussions to which this interest has given rise, and in the
arrangements by which they may terminate, the occasion has been judged
proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests
of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by
the free and independent condition which they have assumed and
maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future
colonization by any European powers.
It was stated at the commencement of the last session, that a great
effort was then making in Spain and Portugal, to improve the condition
of the people of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted
with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked, that the
result has been, so far, very different from what was then
anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which we
have so much intercourse, and from which we derive our origin, we have
always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of the
United States cherish sentiments the most friendly, in favor of the
liberty and happiness of their fellow men on that side of the
Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers, in matters relating to
themselves, we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our
policy, so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded, or seriously
menaced, that we resent injuries, or make preparation for our defence.
With the movements in this hemisphere, we are, of necessity, more
immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all
enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the
allied powers is essentially different, in this respect from that of
America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their
respective governments. And to the defence of our own, which has been
achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the
wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have
enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it,
therefore, to candor, and to the amicable relations existing between
the United States and those powers, to declare, that we should
consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any
portion of this hemisphere, as dangerous to our peace and safety. With
the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power, we have
not interfered, and shall not interfere. But with the governments who
have declared their independence, and maintained it, and whose
independence we have, on great consideration, and on just principles,
acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of
oppressing them, or controlling, in any other manner, their destiny,
by any European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of
an unfriendly disposition towards the United States. In the war
between those new governments and Spain, we declared our neutrality at
the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall
continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur, which, in the
judgment of the competent authorities of this government, shall make a
corresponding change, on the part of the United States, indispensable
to their security.
The late events in Spain and Portugal, shew that Europe is still
unsettled. Of this important fact, no stronger proof can be adduced
than that the allied powers should have thought it proper, on any
principle satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed, by force, in
the internal concerns of Spain. To what extent such interposition may
be carried, on the same principle, is a question, to which all
independent powers, whose governments differ from theirs, are
interested; even those most remote, and surely none more so than the
United States. Our policy, in regard to Europe, which was adopted at
an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of
the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere
in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the
government de facto as the legitimate government for us; to
cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations
by a frank, firm, and manly policy; meeting, in all instances, the
just claims of every power; submitting to injuries from none. But, in
regard to these continents, circumstances are eminently and
conspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied powers
should extend their political system to any portion of either
continent, without endangering our peace and happiness: nor can any
one believe that our Southern Brethren, if left to themselves, would
adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore,
that we should behold such interposition, in any form, with
indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and resources of
Spain and those new governments, and their distance from each other,
it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the
true policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves,
in the hope that other powers will pursue the same course.
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